In Wang (2023), I argued that politeness is grammatically encoded as presuppositionlessness, the property of having less specified meanings. Specialized machinery, like a feature [HONORIFIC], is unnecessary. This talk tackles the Japanese honorification system: a prime apparent counterexample for the above claim, as it presents several subtypes of honorification (productive vs. non-productive strategies) and several morphemes seemingly specialized for honorification. We then explain – in terms of presuppositionlessness – why nominalization and semantic bleaching are reused for politeness, and show typological support from other languages. [HON] turns out to be ad hoc, even for complex systems like Japanese.